Tim Shenk
Eastern Mennonite High School
Harrisonburg, VA
Coordinator: Elwood Yoder

How Should Nations Be Reconciled?

The challenge of achieving national reconciliation is an issue of great importance, particularly in the nations of Bosnia-Herzegovina and South Africa. Both of these countries have in recent years experienced brutal violations of human rights; the evils of apartheid and "ethnic cleansing" have divided the populations on racial or ethnic lines. How should these nations reconcile their grievances and create a peaceful future? John Paul Lederach, Professor of Conflict Studies and Sociology at Eastern Mennonite University and an expert on international peacemaking, presents a model of reconciliation: The four cornerstones of truth, mercy, peace and justice, although often in conflict with each other, are together the vital components for creating reconciliation.¹ South Africa's focus on these four fundamentals of reconciliation shows that this approach to peacemaking better assuages the horrors of the past than have the efforts of the international community and the Balkan governments toward the future of Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Peace, meaning a cessation of violence, is necessary before reconciliation can begin. In a broader sense, peace is security, safety, and a trust in one's neighbors; but there is little of these in Bosnia. Violence has uprooted whole populations and allegations of horrible war crimes abound on all sides, leaving neighbors of differing ethnic groups fearful and bitter. Balkan leaders such as Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman have come to power by fanning the flames of ethnic hatreds and introducing racist policies.² Yet while some Balkan leaders have been indicted for war crimes, the UN Implementation Force has not made efforts to capture the high-profile criminals -- an example of an unofficial policy not to get too involved.

Many residents of Bosnia fear that this peace will fail on account of the international community's wavering interest in peacekeeping. Roy Gutman, one of the first international journalists to report on war crimes in Bosnia describes his criticism: "European and American leaders wasted time and distracted public attention as they searched for a negotiated solution where none was available. To dampen public concerns, they denied the visible facts." Another failing of the international community is that the Dayton Peace Accords reinforce the "spoils of war" mentality, awarding to the victor the areas that had been captured through the Nazi-like policy of ethnic cleansing.³

Peace in South Africa is of a different type. A notable difference is that the old regime of apartheid -- oppression and minority rule -- has given way to a fully democratic government which places a high value on human rights. South Africa still has many deep wounds from the past, but the Truth and Reconciliation Commission has given the safe opportunity for victims to speak openly of their pain.

Truth is another difference between Bosnia-Herzegovina and South Africa. Roy Gutman describes hideously false accusations against Croats and Muslims created by the Bosnian Serb government. One tract being circulated by the Bosnian Serb authorities accuses Muslims and Croats, stating "necklaces have been strung of human eyes and ears, skulls have been halved, brains have been split, bowels have been torn out..." etc. The television station in Pale, Bosnia-Herzegovina "tells its viewers that NATO used low intensity nuclear weapons against Serbs, and [the station] denies the evidence of eye witnesses and mass graves around Srebrenica."⁴ Croatian national television roused its viewers to further hatred, hammering on crimes against Croats and cooperating in the cover-ups of atrocities against Serbs.⁵ With press and governmental denials, many Bosnians will never know what happened to their loved ones.

The South African government, on the other hand, prizes truth highly. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, founded to reveal the truth of South Africa's horrible past, offers amnesty to perpetrators of political crimes who disclose the whole truth. The hearings are widely made public -- a stark contrast to the governmental denial and deception in South Africa's past. As of November 19, 1996, 93 people have complied with these terms and have been granted amnesty.⁶ Many families have found out the fate of their loved ones through the commission, and there have been incredible stories of forgiveness and reconciliation. Apart from the commission, apartheid-era rulers such as former President F. W. de Klerk, have publicly apologized for apartheid, and many important figures have chosen to talk about the past.⁷

Justice and mercy are the most difficult aspects of reconciliation. Justice in Bosnia is too much a hostage to international and local politics to be effective. The only mercy in Bosnia goes to numerous indicted war criminals who are too influential to be arrested. Actions by the UN Implementation Force have often been against the small-time war criminal (if such a thing exists) and have avoided, for the sake of local stability, arresting powerful leaders such as Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic.⁸ This aspect of international politics is revealed in a statement by NATO generals that "arresting [indicted war criminals] is not worth the blood of one IFOR soldier."⁹ Richard Goldstone, first Chief Prosecutor of the International War Crimes Tribunal and an earnest critic of the current policies toward justice in Bosnia said, "If international justice is to be used as a cheap commodity only to be discarded when Realpolitik so requires, then it would be preferable to abandon justice and leave victims to seek revenge in their own way."¹⁰

There has been considerable criticism of justice and mercy in South Africa as well, especially from those who favor retributive justice. To say the least, South African justice today is of a different kind -- "restorative justice" as Archbishop Desmond Tutu describes it. Tutu, the chairperson of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, describes why he believes that retributive justice is not an effective tool for reconciliation: "To get justice, we must strive to undo the top dog/underdog reversals that make human horror endure. There is no point exacting vengeance now, knowing that it will be the cause for future vengeance."¹¹

The justice of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission does restore some things. It grants the victims the dignity of hearing the truth, without the denials and defenses of a criminal trial. It allows the nation to hear the victims' stories and affirm their suffering. The commission often grants the right to confront one's tormentors. Finally, it provides some financial compensation for the lasting hardships of apartheid crimes.¹²

Both Bosnia-Herzegovina and South Africa will feel the burden of their horrible pasts for generations to come. However, there is hope in South Africa, a feeling that the nation is moving onward toward a peaceful future. In Bosnia, neighbors are stockpiling arms. The nature of the peace in Bosnia and South Africa has shown us that those who strive for a peaceful future must work wholeheartedly for reconciliation not simply to negotiate cease-fires among enemies.

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Notes

1.John Paul Lederach, "Director's Circle," Mediation Training Institute, 1989, A-6. [Back]

2. Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia, (New York: Penguin, 1992, p. 12. [Back]

3. Tihomir Loza, "A Civilisation Destroyed," War Report, June/July 1993, p. 1. [Back]

4. Ian Williams, "Don't Rock the Vote," Tribunal, June/July 1996, p. 3. [Back]

5. Glenny, p. 123. [Back]

6. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, "Frequently Asked Questions," Amnesty Statistics, http://www.truth.org.za./faq.htm (19 November 1997). [Back]

7. Colin Greer, "Without Memory, There Is No Healing. Without Forgiveness, There Is No Mercy," The Washington Post: Parade, 11 January 1998, p. 4. [Back]

8. Williams, p. 3. [Back]

9. Mirko Klarin, "Crisis Time in The Hague," Tribunal, June/July 1996, p. 1. [Back]

10. Ibid., p. 2. [Back]

11. Greer, p. 6. [Back]

12. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, (Rondebosch, South Africa: Ministry of Justice, 1995), p. 17. [Back]

Bibliography

Documents of Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Republika Srpska. Bijeljina, June 1997.

Glenny, Misha. The Fall of Yugoslavia. New York: Penguin, 1992.

Greer, Colin. "Without Memory, There Is No Healing. Without Forgiveness, There Is No Future." The Washington Post: Parade. 11 January: 4-6.

Gutman, Roy. A Witness to Genocide. New York: Macmillan, 1993.

Ignatieff, Michael. "How Can Past Sins Be Absolved?" World Press Review. February 1997: 6-9.

Klarin, Mirko. "Crisis Time in The Hague." Tribunal. June/July 1996: 1-2.

Lederach, John Paul. "Director's Circle." Mediation Training Institute. Mennonite Conciliation Service, 1989.

Loza, Tihomir. "A Civilisation Destroyed." War Report June/July 1993: 1, 15.

Ministry of Justice. Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Rondebosch, South Africa: Justice in Transition, 1995.

Odendaal, Andries. "For All Its Flaws." Track Two. December 1997: 4-6

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission. "Frequently Asked Questions of the TRC." Amnesty Statistics. http://www.truth.org.za./faq.htm (19 November 1997)

Williams, Ian. "Don't Rock the Vote." Tribunal. June/July 1996: 3.

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