Summary

  • Even with the approval of a permanent constitution in the October national referendum, Iraq’s future is uncertain. Widespread Sunni Arab opposition to the new constitution has confirmed the existence of a fault line that profoundly divides Iraqi society.
  • The Transitional Authoritative Law (TAL) envisaged a six-and-a-half-month, transparent, participatory, and orderly constitutional process. The TAL also provided the option, in Article 61(F), of a further six-month extension.
  • Notwithstanding the preference of the Chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee that the Article 61(F) extension be used—a view senior Kurdish and Shia negotiators, as well as other minority group and civil society leaders publicly and privately supported—the U.S. Government pressed for the drafting to be completed by August 15. The decision not to use Article 61(F) had the effect of minimizing Sunni Arab participation in the drafting process, and led the National Assembly to make a series of ad hoc moves after it missed the August 15 deadline, which exposed the body to charges of illegality.
  • The Constitution Drafting Committee began its work late and was terminated early. Substantive discussions to include Sunni Arab representatives did not begin until late June. On August 8, the negotiations were removed from the Committee to a series of private and irregular meetings between Kurdish and Shia party leaders, from which Sunni Arab negotiators were often excluded.
  • The National Assembly formed a Constitutional Outreach Unit to disseminate constitutional information and analyze public responses. The Unit, however, had no more than eight weeks to engage Iraqi citizens on constitutional issues, and lacked the capacity to report to the Committee before the August 15 deadline.
  • The rushed constitutional process hindered Sunni Arabs' emerging confidence in an Iraqi federal model; amplified imbalances in respective camps' technical negotiating competencies; removed opportunities for international mediation, in particular UN assistance; increased U.S. visibility as an agent and participant in the Iraqi negotiations; and excluded meaningful Iraqi citizen participation.
  • Many Iraqi groups and parties criticized the draft constitution. While the reasons for opposition varied, they often included procedural complaints of exclusion from the negotiations and major substantive objections. By the end of August, opposition remained despite efforts to appease the Sunni Arab groups. Some women's groups, the parties of Ayad Allawi and Moqtada Al-Sadr, and ethnic minority groups continued to oppose the draft.
  • This constitutional process was a unique opportunity lost to build new institutional legitimacy, and interethnic and intersectarian alliances. Additional opportunities to include Sunni Arabs and other groups within a federal Iraq still exist and should not be ignored.
  • The Iraqi government, National Assembly, and international community should mobilize all efforts to encourage a popular commitment to democratic federalism. This should include educating the Iraqi people and bringing political elites closer to their constituents; helping Sunni Arab communities to strategize within a federal framework; and developing constitutional enforcement mechanisms to ensure that Iraqi citizens can protect their constitutional rights in the long term.

For the english version of this report, click here.


Related Publications

10 Years After ISIS’s Genocide, Iraq Is Still Dealing with the Human Legacies

10 Years After ISIS’s Genocide, Iraq Is Still Dealing with the Human Legacies

Monday, July 8, 2024

This year marks the 10-year anniversary of ISIS’ capture of a third of Iraqi and Syrian territory and genocide against the Ezidis (Yazidis) and other communities. Supported by the U.S.-led Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, Iraq declared military victory over the terrorist group in December 2017 and has significantly reduced and controlled the threat ever since. Significant progress has also been made in the recovery and stabilization process, with the successful return to their areas of origin of some five million of the six million Iraqis internally displaced by the conflict and the rebuilding of many of the regions that the conflict devastated.

Type: Analysis

ReconciliationViolent Extremism

Baghdad Is Ready for a New Chapter in U.S.-Iraq Relations

Baghdad Is Ready for a New Chapter in U.S.-Iraq Relations

Thursday, April 25, 2024

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani met last week with U.S. President Joe Biden at the White House as part of a weeklong visit aimed at strengthening bilateral relations. The visit occurred amid several historic anniversaries and dangerous developments in the Middle East. April marks the 21st anniversary of the toppling of Saddam Hussein. Since 2003, the U.S.-Iraq relationship has witnessed many ups and downs. Even as tensions persist, particularly in relation to the U.S. troop presence in the country, al-Sudani’s visit — which featured the largest delegation Iraqis have brought to Washington — demonstrates Iraqi will to start a new chapter in the strategic partnership that goes beyond security.

Type: Analysis

Democracy & GovernanceGlobal Policy

USIP Explains: Community Dialogue in Northern Sinjar

USIP Explains: Community Dialogue in Northern Sinjar

Thursday, April 11, 2024

Ten years after ISIS’ genocide against them, the wounds of the Yazidi community in Iraq’s Sinjar district remain fresh as thousands remain displaced and even more await justice for the crimes perpetrated against them. Meanwhile, despite living in peaceful coexistence prior to ISIS’ campaign, the conflict planted seeds of division among Sinjar’s various tribes and communities — resulting in tensions that threatened to tear the district apart even after ISIS’ defeat.

Type: Blog

Mediation, Negotiation & DialoguePeace Processes

View All Publications