President Trump’s blueprint for the U.S. role in Afghanistan broadly resembles that of prior administrations, correcting some previous errors while appearing likely to repeat others, USIP experts told journalists today. While President Trump’s speech lacked details on a strategy, laying out a broad plan will help ease pressure on Afghanistan by removing fears of an early U.S. withdrawal, said Andrew Wilder, USIP’s vice president for Asia programs.

Purple ink was used to mark the fingers of voters in the general election, at a school in Kabul, Afghanistan, April 5, 2014.
Purple ink was used to mark the fingers of voters in the general election, at a school in Kabul, Afghanistan, April 5, 2014. Photo Courtesy of The New York Times/Bryan Denton

“It’s good to finally have a decision,” Wilder said. “It was a long, drawn-out process, which created a period of ambiguity for many people. And I think it’s good for … our troops and our civilian officials to know what the objective is,” and “for the Afghan public to have the reassurance that the U.S. isn’t sort of abandoning Afghanistan.”

Wilder and other USIP Afghanistan specialists spoke with reporters at a roundtable this morning following President Trump’s Afghanistan announcement last night. Key points in the discussion were these:

The Trump plan broadly maintains the status quo, correcting some mistakes, but not others. The Trump plan “is a very similar overall objective to what President Bush and President Obama articulated … of preventing safe havens” in Afghanistan or neighboring Pakistan for terrorist groups such as the Taliban or ISIS, Wilder noted. A major difference “was the clear articulation of no timelines or timeframes for success, and that success would be conditions-based, which was a significant departure from President Obama’s policy of setting deadlines within which he wanted to withdraw troops,” he said. Also, “a positive was that, actually, there was no mention of troop numbers,” a tactical detail that dominated discussion during the Obama administration, and tended to blur U.S. strategy.

The outlined plan risks repeating a U.S. error of over-emphasizing military action, while failing to build a political strategy to stabilize Afghanistan. “Lip service was paid to an integrated strategy that combines our military, our diplomatic and our economic tools,” Wilder said. “But clearly, the focus of the speech was very much, again, on the military strategy for Afghanistan—that we’re not going to do nation-building, we’re going to kill terrorists, was one of the key lines, I think. And that worries me, because we’ve actually done a lot of killing of terrorists and having a military-led strategy. And I think we don’t have as clearly articulated a political strategy as a military strategy. And one lesson from Iraq and Afghanistan is we’re not going to win this by military means alone. And it would have been, I think, helpful to have more clarity on what the political strategy is.”

Trump’s regional focus, calling on India, may offer an opening for useful diplomacy. “For something that was billed as a regional strategy, there wasn’t that much on exactly how the region would be dealt with,” said Scott Worden, director of USIP’s Afghanistan and Central Asia programs. President Trump’s insistence that Pakistan must stop supporting Taliban forces in Afghanistan was not new. Worden added: “It was interesting and different that President Trump mentioned India explicitly, although the emphasis was more on them providing economic assistance and helping us. It was less about the complicated dynamic—which I think is really one of the root causes of our problem—between Pakistan and India.”

Pakistan and India have fought repeated wars and skirmishes along their disputed border. Pakistan’s security establishment for decades has supported the Taliban to maintain influence over Afghanistan as a defense against being encircled by hostile forces. While President Trump did not address those tensions, his appeal for a greater Indian role “provides an opening” to do so, Worden said. “It will be interesting to see what the State Department and others follow up on with how to bring India in,” Worden said. “If it’s just, ‘India, you need to pay more for the war,’ I doubt they would cooperate very well, but including them in an overall picture is probably helpful if it goes in a diplomatic direction.”

Democracy for Afghanistan is not an American policy goal, but it’s a vital counter-terrorism tool. “The president’s speech stated our goals clearly and narrowly, in terms of protecting the U.S. from terrorism that could emanate from Afghanistan and Pakistan,” said Worden. “That is indeed the end that we’re seeking. The means for getting there does include… a democratic system in Afghanistan, because history has shown that non-democratic systems in Afghanistan over the last 30 years have produced violence that is safe-haven inducing.” An unstable Afghanistan, ruled by battling warlords, has become a host to Al-Qaeda, ISIS and other extremist groups. “So our goal is not to send our forces over to fight for building democracy. However, stable governance and democracy may well be, and I would argue it is, an essential component to achieving … an end to the terrorist threat,” Worden said.


Related Publications

How Afghanistan’s Economy Can Survive Shrinking Shipments of U.N. Cash Aid

How Afghanistan’s Economy Can Survive Shrinking Shipments of U.N. Cash Aid

Thursday, November 14, 2024

Afghanistan’s precarious economy is facing a new set of multidimensional risks as humanitarian aid — delivered in massive shipments of U.S. cash dollars — shrinks rapidly amid competing demands from other crises around the world. The dollar inflows, moved under U.N. auspices, have helped stabilize the Afghan economy, cover its mammoth trade deficit, and inject monetary liquidity into commerce. With much smaller cash infusions, in line with a general reduction in aid, the suffering of Afghanistan’s poverty-stricken population is likely to increase.

Type: Analysis

EconomicsGlobal Policy

Where is Afghanistan Three Years into Taliban Rule?

Where is Afghanistan Three Years into Taliban Rule?

Thursday, September 19, 2024

Lacking formal recognition from all member states, the Taliban will not be present at the U.N. General Assembly next week. Their absence speaks volumes about how the international community struggles to constrain a regime that has repeatedly defied U.N. treaties, sanctions and Security Council resolutions. Three years into Taliban rule, the Afghan people are beset by a host of human rights, economic and humanitarian challenges, with women and girls particularly impacted. Meanwhile, the international community still has no clear approach to dealing with the Taliban, with the regime rejecting a U.N. Security Council resolution calling for a special envoy to develop a roadmap for normalizing Afghanistan’s relations with the international community.

Type: Question and Answer

EconomicsGenderGlobal PolicyHuman Rights

What an ICC Case on Mali Means for Prosecuting Taliban Gender Crimes

What an ICC Case on Mali Means for Prosecuting Taliban Gender Crimes

Wednesday, September 18, 2024

Since the Taliban took power in August 2021, the situation for Afghan women and girls has dramatically deteriorated. Yet there has been little international action, as many in the international community lament the lack of legal, and other, avenues to hold the Taliban accountable for these draconian measures. However, a recent case at the International Criminal Court (ICC) may provide a legal roadmap to prosecute the Taliban.

Type: Analysis

GenderHuman RightsJustice, Security & Rule of Law

View All Publications