KEY TAKEAWAYS
KEY TAKEAWAYS
Despite facing some of the worst political instability and social upheaval in its history over the last decade, Haiti now has an opportunity to move forward. The selection of an effective prime minister by a Transitional Presidential Council offers the country a chance to restore security and hold elections for the first time since 2016. But for any progress to last, there will need to be a mix of transitional and transformational leadership. And that means mobilizing and respecting the essential role of women, who are currently underrepresented at all levels of government and influence.
Through the adoption of more inclusive elections and political parties — and with the support of its international partners — the Haitian government can create opportunities for more women candidates in future elections, ensure that the country’s constitutional gender quota is met within its electoral and governing bodies, promote in international and local electoral observers networks, and help mobilize and educate women and youth voters at the grassroots level.
A more inclusive electoral process would spark hope for Haiti as it continues to buckle under the pressure of rampant gang violence, economic woes and political upheaval.
It should be noted that all seven members of the current Transitional Presidential Council are currently men — three of which are accused of corruption by the government’s anti-corruption unit) — and only one of the two non-voting observers is a woman. To many human rights and women’s organizations, this is the latest sign that their calls for women’s full participation in the transition process have been ignored.
As a result, transitional leaders are at risk of perpetuating the previous status quo. Even more, Haiti’s Constitution requires women comprise at least 30 percent of all public positions, including government appointments and elected officials. Almost all Haitian institutions currently fall short of that quota, and transitional leaders’ reversion to the status quo prevents the application of inclusive legislation and mechanisms to enforce it.
“Women are leaders in community organizations, business, healthcare, education and everywhere else,” declared Rosy Auguste Ducena of the National Network for the Defense of Human Rights. “We are so frequently the first and last responders in emergencies. Yet in this pivotal moment in Haiti’s democracy, we are being given nothing but a chance to watch men make decisions from the observer’s seat.”
Indeed, women organizations are at the forefront of addressing emergencies such as the displacement of families from neighborhoods controlled by armed gangs, as well as providing assistance to victims of kidnapping and sexual violence. They’ve managed to find success, particularly at the local level, but opportunities for women to transform their communities should be extended to the municipal, departmental and national level in elected positions.
While women’s long-standing exclusion is a theme in nearly all of Haiti’s national institutions, their absence in the country’s security structures is particularly noteworthy — both historically and amid the current transition.
Haiti is currently undergoing a process to reestablish an effective national security strategy. This will require the Superior Council of the National Police, led by the prime minister, to reform the national police, strengthen the army and publicly articulate a vision for the future.
Ensuring the full inclusion of women in this vision is crucial not only because it can help improve the country’s long-term stability, but because it can set a precedent for women’s inclusion in future political processes, such as running as candidates in elections.
This will not be easy. As a practical matter, transitional leadership in times of crisis can often be rewarded for short-term vision. In the case of Haiti, this might mean immediate — yet not necessarily sustainable — improvements in security that come at the expense of innovation, creativity and inclusion. Such an approach to national security would only increase the gender gap and Haitian women’s exclusion from transitional spheres of power.
However, there is another option. The current security crisis presents an opportunity to change entrenched opinions and shed generations of systemic discrimination. Ultimately, a comprehensive security plan should yield a unified command structure that includes a strong percentage of women, bring together national public and private security forces, and leverage Haitian diaspora veterans’ expertise and available international resources.
Unfortunately, Haiti’s lack of gender-inclusive political processes is not just a product of institutional structures.
There are also underlying social factors preventing Haitian women leaders from speaking up with one voice and making themselves heard on the Haitian political scene — including ideological conflicts among the various aspects of the Haitian women's movement.
But the Haitian women's movement has reached a certain maturity and credibility, which in turn allows it to turn its diversity into a strength. The various demands within the movement, while disparate, are all political and rooted in a dynamic of systemic change that can be leveraged by the movement as a whole.
The Haitian women's movement has reached a certain maturity and credibility, which in turn allows it to turn its diversity into a strength.
Meanwhile, Haitian women have found a strong ally in the country’s youth. Women’s groups have been consistently responsive to the aspirations of young people who lack confidence in traditional political organizations. As a result, the youth of Haiti — in both the rural and urban spheres — have expressed a desire for women to hold more influence in politics, with many leaders of youth associations embracing the cause of gender equality.
Together, women and youth groups have begun to build collective power driven by cooperation at the grassroots level. For example, in 2016, former Senator Dieudonne Luma Etienne won her election against 19 other candidate, 17 of which were men, thanks to the mobilization of young voters.
However, by her own description, Etienne’s experience as the only woman in the Senate at the time was stressful — a view shared by other women who found themselves alone at the highest levels of decision-making in Haiti.
But rather than serve as cause for despair, Etienne’s and others’ experiences demonstrate that it is essential for Haitian women leaders to strengthen their bonds with women in other parts of society, such as the private sector and among their peers in the diaspora, as a means of expanding their collective power and leaning on their respective strengths.
Haitian women shouldn’t accept a token seat at the table. Rather, they should demand an influential presence.
Most importantly, Haitian women shouldn’t accept a token seat at the table. Rather, they should demand an influential presence both in the government and as part of the consultative bodies under the Transitional Presidential Council.
There is no need for Haitian women to start from scratch. Women leaders should reactivate a number of dormant — yet efficient — networks and platforms, such as the National Women's Rights Advocacy Coordination and the Multi-sectoral Committee to support the implementation of the constitution’s 30 percent quota; the Tribune of Women Politicians to amplify new female voices; and the Alliance of Networks and Platforms of Women's Organizations for the Promotion of Women's Political Participation and Leadership, as well as the Inter-Women's Dialogue, to support a stronger showing at the ballot box when it comes time for elections.
Given Haiti’s outdated political systems, structures and paradigms, women must also leverage their respective resources, grassroots networks and experiences to build collective, transformational leadership in national and local governance.
To this end, it is imperative that the Haitian women’s movement conducts concrete and promising collective actions for their effective participation in the electoral process:
Additionally, women are currently leading critical ministries in the transitional government: the Ministry for Women Affairs and Women’s Rights, the Ministry of Economy and Finance, the Ministry of Planning and External Cooperation, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship, and the Ministry of Haitians Living Abroad. With the ability to influence these portfolios, especially ahead of the next elections, these women can advocate for:
For Haiti’s transition to be successful, Haitian women will need to have ownership in the country’s future. And while there is still much to be gained from pressuring transitional leaders to expand women’s inclusion in political processes, Haitian women should also look to build their own collective political power going forward.
Danielle Saint-Lôt previously served as Haiti’s Minister of Commerce, Industry and Tourism. She is also a co-founder of Femmes en Démocratie, a prominent women organization in Haiti.